Early Settlers at Maccan and Nappan
According to the original terms of his 1764 grant, Gmelin was required to pay a yearly rent of one farthing per acre for half of the premises, due within the first 5 years of the grant with the remainder due after 10 years. Gmelin also agreed to plant 5 acres of hemp and to settle 1 protestant person on every 200 acres within 10 years of the lease; otherwise the grant would revert to the Crown. At present I have no information on settlement during Gmelin's ownership.
Recruiting Tenants
DesBarres acquired 8,000 acres of the original Gmelin Grant in 1771, three years before the expiry of Gmelin's probationary period of 10 years. DesBarres's early tenants were a mix of Acadian families, English Planters who arrived before the American Revolutionary War, British loyalists who came north during the American Revolutionary War, and European immigrants, including settlers from Yorkshire who arrived in the Yorkshire Emigration from 1771 to 1776. The early settlement of DesBarres' lands was complicated by disputes with both Lt. Governor Francklin on the west and the original owner Captain Adam Gmelin, who contested the sale of his property for two decades. There was considerable turnover of DesBarres' tenants during the early years, and tenants often sold their leases to others when they departed, probably without permission or knowledge of DesBarres or his agents.
According to Elizabeth Mancke, The Acadians, who were only allowed to return to the area in 1764, were not at first permitted to purchase land. A 1758 law prohibiting Catholics from owning property was not officially repealed until 1783 though it seems Acadians received land grants in New Brunswick well before that date. A law passed in 1759 prevented Acadians from claiming title to lands they had once owned. Contrary to the terms of Gmelin's grant, which required the settling of Protestants, DesBarres first settled French Acadians of Catholic faith on the property he had acquired. It's possible that DesBarres felt a connection with the Acadians because he himself had French origins. Historically, Acadians had settled along the Maccan and Nappan Rivers, but there is no evidence that DesBarres Acadian tenants had occupied the land when it was under Acadian control. Lt. Governor Michael Francklin, DesBarres' neighbour to the west and south, was married to a French woman, spoke French fluently, and was known for his lenient policies regarding returning Acadians.
According to Bernard Bailyn, Francklin had also installed an agent in Rillington, Yorkshire, for the purpose of recruiting settlers for his Nova Scotia lands. As his neighbour, DesBarres likely benefited from Francklin's recruitment efforts. Francklin was aware that Yorkshire tenant farmers were becoming increasing dissatisfied as their landlords consolidated farms and raised rents. He would have been aware that, like the Acadians, many of the farmers from Yorkshire had experience with dyking marsh lands. Francklin may have also anticipated that the tenant farmers of Yorkshire, accustomed to the manorial system, were a logical fit for the estate-type model he envisioned for his grants in Nova Scotia. According to Alexandra Montgomery, Both Francklin, who named his grant Francklin Manor, and DesBarres, who named his Falmouth grant Castle Frederick, attempted to replicate the traditional English estate system in Nova Scotia. Their model of settlement was strongly criticized by contemporaries like Alexander McNutt who favoured a free-hold model.
DesBarres' detailed 1777 map of Chignecto Bay and vicinity shows individual structures on his properties that lined the Maccan and Nappan Rivers. These were mostly former Acadian dwellings or barns and a few newer structures built by DesBarres and early tenants. The marshes and upland "islands", raised areas of drier land, are clearly indicated on the map. The largest cluster of structures was located on the west side of the Maccan River near its mouth; this area became the homesteads of James Metcalf and John Harrison. The smaller settlement on the east side of the Maccan River became the homestead of Thomas Coates. The other settlements on the south bank of the Nappan River became the homesteads of George Noils, Francis, Louis, and Jedore Gould, and, later, Henry Ripley. Several of the tenants who signed formal leases in 1780 with Mary Cannon had occupied their farms as early as 1773.
DesBarres acquired 8,000 acres of the original Gmelin Grant in 1771, three years before the expiry of Gmelin's probationary period of 10 years. DesBarres's early tenants were a mix of Acadian families, English Planters who arrived before the American Revolutionary War, British loyalists who came north during the American Revolutionary War, and European immigrants, including settlers from Yorkshire who arrived in the Yorkshire Emigration from 1771 to 1776. The early settlement of DesBarres' lands was complicated by disputes with both Lt. Governor Francklin on the west and the original owner Captain Adam Gmelin, who contested the sale of his property for two decades. There was considerable turnover of DesBarres' tenants during the early years, and tenants often sold their leases to others when they departed, probably without permission or knowledge of DesBarres or his agents.
According to Elizabeth Mancke, The Acadians, who were only allowed to return to the area in 1764, were not at first permitted to purchase land. A 1758 law prohibiting Catholics from owning property was not officially repealed until 1783 though it seems Acadians received land grants in New Brunswick well before that date. A law passed in 1759 prevented Acadians from claiming title to lands they had once owned. Contrary to the terms of Gmelin's grant, which required the settling of Protestants, DesBarres first settled French Acadians of Catholic faith on the property he had acquired. It's possible that DesBarres felt a connection with the Acadians because he himself had French origins. Historically, Acadians had settled along the Maccan and Nappan Rivers, but there is no evidence that DesBarres Acadian tenants had occupied the land when it was under Acadian control. Lt. Governor Michael Francklin, DesBarres' neighbour to the west and south, was married to a French woman, spoke French fluently, and was known for his lenient policies regarding returning Acadians.
According to Bernard Bailyn, Francklin had also installed an agent in Rillington, Yorkshire, for the purpose of recruiting settlers for his Nova Scotia lands. As his neighbour, DesBarres likely benefited from Francklin's recruitment efforts. Francklin was aware that Yorkshire tenant farmers were becoming increasing dissatisfied as their landlords consolidated farms and raised rents. He would have been aware that, like the Acadians, many of the farmers from Yorkshire had experience with dyking marsh lands. Francklin may have also anticipated that the tenant farmers of Yorkshire, accustomed to the manorial system, were a logical fit for the estate-type model he envisioned for his grants in Nova Scotia. According to Alexandra Montgomery, Both Francklin, who named his grant Francklin Manor, and DesBarres, who named his Falmouth grant Castle Frederick, attempted to replicate the traditional English estate system in Nova Scotia. Their model of settlement was strongly criticized by contemporaries like Alexander McNutt who favoured a free-hold model.
DesBarres' detailed 1777 map of Chignecto Bay and vicinity shows individual structures on his properties that lined the Maccan and Nappan Rivers. These were mostly former Acadian dwellings or barns and a few newer structures built by DesBarres and early tenants. The marshes and upland "islands", raised areas of drier land, are clearly indicated on the map. The largest cluster of structures was located on the west side of the Maccan River near its mouth; this area became the homesteads of James Metcalf and John Harrison. The smaller settlement on the east side of the Maccan River became the homestead of Thomas Coates. The other settlements on the south bank of the Nappan River became the homesteads of George Noils, Francis, Louis, and Jedore Gould, and, later, Henry Ripley. Several of the tenants who signed formal leases in 1780 with Mary Cannon had occupied their farms as early as 1773.
Land Clearing
The Acadians who once occupied the land along the Maccan and Nappan Rivers had cut and cleared a small portion of the land for their homes, pastures and orchards. Instead of clearing heavily forested land to create arable lands, the Acadians preferred their traditional method of enclosing marshes through a system of dykes and aboiteaux. Once a section of marsh had been enclosed, it would typically take 2 or 3 years for the salt to leach out of the upper layers of the rich alluvial sediment. Many of the dykes created by the Acadians are still maintained today.
The English were more inclined to clear forested land to produce farmland. In A Journey through Nova Scotia Yorkshiremen Robinson and Rispin wrote an account of the villages and farms they visited during their 1774 tour of Nova Scotia. In Tantramar they observed the procedure for clearing woodlands. The settlers "cut down trees two or three feet from the ground; and let them lay until summer, about which time they are dry and they set them on fire as they lay. At the back end of the year they sow the land with rye harrowing it in amongst the ashes with no plowing." For the next few years, the settlers planted potatoes and in 5 years time, the stumps had rotted enough to be removed. In many early communications and reports, DesBarres and his agents refer to "stumped lands" in order to estimate the age of farms.
The Acadians who once occupied the land along the Maccan and Nappan Rivers had cut and cleared a small portion of the land for their homes, pastures and orchards. Instead of clearing heavily forested land to create arable lands, the Acadians preferred their traditional method of enclosing marshes through a system of dykes and aboiteaux. Once a section of marsh had been enclosed, it would typically take 2 or 3 years for the salt to leach out of the upper layers of the rich alluvial sediment. Many of the dykes created by the Acadians are still maintained today.
The English were more inclined to clear forested land to produce farmland. In A Journey through Nova Scotia Yorkshiremen Robinson and Rispin wrote an account of the villages and farms they visited during their 1774 tour of Nova Scotia. In Tantramar they observed the procedure for clearing woodlands. The settlers "cut down trees two or three feet from the ground; and let them lay until summer, about which time they are dry and they set them on fire as they lay. At the back end of the year they sow the land with rye harrowing it in amongst the ashes with no plowing." For the next few years, the settlers planted potatoes and in 5 years time, the stumps had rotted enough to be removed. In many early communications and reports, DesBarres and his agents refer to "stumped lands" in order to estimate the age of farms.
Crops and Animal Husbandry
From census records and estate papers, we learn that other crops included wheat, rye, barley, oats, flax, peas, beans, potatoes, apples, and turnips. A large amount of land was used for growing both English and marsh hay. Corn did not grow as well in the cool, wet climate. The DesBarres fonds contain detailed records of rents collected for his leased properties. In some cases, tenants paid by cash. But cash was scarce, and most tenants paid with livestock, crops, or goods such as lumber, maple sugar or butter. DesBarres's notes on these early tenants mention crops, number of acres previously cleared by the Acadians, and existing dwellings. The accounts of Maccan and Nappan for 1795 provide an interesting glimpse into the activities of his tenants.
(DesBarres Fonds online, Series 5 M.G. 23, vols. 19-20, Doc #4072 Reel C-1459, starting on image 443).
(DesBarres Fonds online, Series 5 M.G. 23, Vols. 19-20, Documents 4275-4282, Reel C-1459, Image 644).
In his paper Early American Communities on the Fundy, A.R. MacNeil analysed census records for Annapolis and Amherst Townships to provide detailed information about agriculture and livestock. MacNeil pointed out that the Acadians, known for dyking the land and reclaiming marsh, had also raised large herds of cattle in the area. These cattle were left behind in the deportation and rounded up by the English which may explain why subsequent settlers were able to acquire large numbers of livestock in a short amount of time. According to MacNeil, the area was particularly well-suited to animal husbandry.
Several of DesBarres' tenants kept oxen, cattle, horses, pigs and sheep in quantities larger than they required for subsistence. Keeping animals also served to improve the farmlands. When Henry Denny Denson obtained a 1000-acre lease north of the Nappan River, the terms of his lease required him to place 3 cattle for every 50 acres on lands which were not yet suitable for farming.
From census records and estate papers, we learn that other crops included wheat, rye, barley, oats, flax, peas, beans, potatoes, apples, and turnips. A large amount of land was used for growing both English and marsh hay. Corn did not grow as well in the cool, wet climate. The DesBarres fonds contain detailed records of rents collected for his leased properties. In some cases, tenants paid by cash. But cash was scarce, and most tenants paid with livestock, crops, or goods such as lumber, maple sugar or butter. DesBarres's notes on these early tenants mention crops, number of acres previously cleared by the Acadians, and existing dwellings. The accounts of Maccan and Nappan for 1795 provide an interesting glimpse into the activities of his tenants.
(DesBarres Fonds online, Series 5 M.G. 23, vols. 19-20, Doc #4072 Reel C-1459, starting on image 443).
(DesBarres Fonds online, Series 5 M.G. 23, Vols. 19-20, Documents 4275-4282, Reel C-1459, Image 644).
In his paper Early American Communities on the Fundy, A.R. MacNeil analysed census records for Annapolis and Amherst Townships to provide detailed information about agriculture and livestock. MacNeil pointed out that the Acadians, known for dyking the land and reclaiming marsh, had also raised large herds of cattle in the area. These cattle were left behind in the deportation and rounded up by the English which may explain why subsequent settlers were able to acquire large numbers of livestock in a short amount of time. According to MacNeil, the area was particularly well-suited to animal husbandry.
Several of DesBarres' tenants kept oxen, cattle, horses, pigs and sheep in quantities larger than they required for subsistence. Keeping animals also served to improve the farmlands. When Henry Denny Denson obtained a 1000-acre lease north of the Nappan River, the terms of his lease required him to place 3 cattle for every 50 acres on lands which were not yet suitable for farming.
1795 Visit of Captain John MacDonald
As DesBarres became increasingly dissatisfied with Mary Cannon's management of his properties, he replaced her with Captain John MacDonald and later enlisted the help of his adult children to visit his properties and collect rents. In 1795, MacDonald visited the DesBarres estates in Maccan, Nappan, Minudie and Tatamagouche. In his report to DesBarres, MacDonald commented on the tenants and condition of the farms. To read MacDonald's report on Maccan and Nappan in the original, please see the DesBarres Fonds online, Series 2, Reel C-1455, beginning on Image 736.
See Maccan River West for homesteads on the west bank of the Maccan.
See Maccan River East for homesteads on the east bank of the Maccan.
See Nappan River for homesteads along the south bank of the Nappan River.
As DesBarres became increasingly dissatisfied with Mary Cannon's management of his properties, he replaced her with Captain John MacDonald and later enlisted the help of his adult children to visit his properties and collect rents. In 1795, MacDonald visited the DesBarres estates in Maccan, Nappan, Minudie and Tatamagouche. In his report to DesBarres, MacDonald commented on the tenants and condition of the farms. To read MacDonald's report on Maccan and Nappan in the original, please see the DesBarres Fonds online, Series 2, Reel C-1455, beginning on Image 736.
See Maccan River West for homesteads on the west bank of the Maccan.
See Maccan River East for homesteads on the east bank of the Maccan.
See Nappan River for homesteads along the south bank of the Nappan River.
Sources and Further Reading
Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the American Revolution, Toronto, Random House, 1986. Winner of the Pulitzer prize in history 1987. Portions of this outstanding book are available for online viewing. An entire section is devoted to Yorkshire settlement in the Maritimes. Many of the DesBarres tenants are discussed in detail.
Campey, Lucille H. Planters, Paupers, and Pioneers, Toronto, Dundurn Press, 2010. Portions of this excellent book describing the settlement of eastern Canada are available for online viewing at Google Books. Chapter 2 is devoted to the Yorkshire Emigration.
Macneil, A. R. (1989). Early American Communities on the Fundy: A Case Study of Annapolis and Amherst Townships, 1767-1827. Agricultural History, 63(2), 101–119. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3743506 This paper is viewable online at Jstor with a free account. Macneil analysed early census records to provide valuable information on agriculture and animal husbandry.
*Mancke, Elizabeth. (2019) Decorous Dispossession: Legally Extinguishing Acadian Landholding Rights. Online essay published during a summer institute on Acadian history.
Montgomery, Alexandra L. (2020) Protecting Power in the Dawnland: Weaponizing Settlement in the Gulf of Maine World 1710-1800). PhD Dissertation viewable online. See especially pages 193 and 203-204.
Ripley, Gordon. Yorkshire Emigration, 1772-1775 (Website devoted to the Yorkshire Emigration by my knowledgable and helpful 3rd cousin.)
Robinson, John and Rispin, Thomas. A Journey through Nova Scotia available online. Fascinating first-hand account of a voyage and trip to Nova Scotia circa 1774 describing the various townships, crops and land clearing, houses, clothing, prices, etc.
Wynn, G. (1979). Late Eighteenth-Century Agriculture on the Bay of Fundy Marshlands. Acadiensis, 8(2), 80–89. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30302652
Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the American Revolution, Toronto, Random House, 1986. Winner of the Pulitzer prize in history 1987. Portions of this outstanding book are available for online viewing. An entire section is devoted to Yorkshire settlement in the Maritimes. Many of the DesBarres tenants are discussed in detail.
Campey, Lucille H. Planters, Paupers, and Pioneers, Toronto, Dundurn Press, 2010. Portions of this excellent book describing the settlement of eastern Canada are available for online viewing at Google Books. Chapter 2 is devoted to the Yorkshire Emigration.
Macneil, A. R. (1989). Early American Communities on the Fundy: A Case Study of Annapolis and Amherst Townships, 1767-1827. Agricultural History, 63(2), 101–119. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3743506 This paper is viewable online at Jstor with a free account. Macneil analysed early census records to provide valuable information on agriculture and animal husbandry.
*Mancke, Elizabeth. (2019) Decorous Dispossession: Legally Extinguishing Acadian Landholding Rights. Online essay published during a summer institute on Acadian history.
Montgomery, Alexandra L. (2020) Protecting Power in the Dawnland: Weaponizing Settlement in the Gulf of Maine World 1710-1800). PhD Dissertation viewable online. See especially pages 193 and 203-204.
Ripley, Gordon. Yorkshire Emigration, 1772-1775 (Website devoted to the Yorkshire Emigration by my knowledgable and helpful 3rd cousin.)
Robinson, John and Rispin, Thomas. A Journey through Nova Scotia available online. Fascinating first-hand account of a voyage and trip to Nova Scotia circa 1774 describing the various townships, crops and land clearing, houses, clothing, prices, etc.
Wynn, G. (1979). Late Eighteenth-Century Agriculture on the Bay of Fundy Marshlands. Acadiensis, 8(2), 80–89. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30302652